- According to T'ang Leang-Li there are
some who claim that the family system that suppressed the
younger generation and demanded their humility, impaired
Chinese creative abilities, and prevented it from advancing
in the field of technology. 1. T'ang Leang-Li, however,
attributes their failure to advance, to the philosophical
system of Dong Zhongs -Shu from the 2nd century BCE, which
fortified the emperor's role, conferring upon him a critical
delicate position that and linked man and nature. It later
developed a similar cosmological view involving heavenly
forces and energy - spiritual forces that connect with the
land and physical matter. According to this philosophy,
man must adapt himself to this union, and thus he himself
must be perfect, before he works the land. Chinese man,
therefore viewed labor as a holy spiritual endeavor, and
shrunk from industrial work that demanded a utilitarian
no-bounds approach to labor not sanctified by a long tradition
- as was agriculture. 2. Derk Bodde suggests an alternative
approach based on a detailed analysis of the scientific
and technological development of Imperial China. He proposes
that the reason industry failed to develop in China was
the unchallenged status of Chinese intellectuals. Chinese
scholars, in contrast to their European peers (whose status
was challenged by the ruling class, the merchants, the military,
etc.), saw no reason to promote scientific development since
it was not necessary in order to insure their own good standing.
3. While Bodde's theory is possible, it is just as feasible
that Chinese intellectuals engaged primarily in the study
of spiritual loftier matters (ethics and understanding of
cosmic forces) because their environment did not radiate
toward them a need for scientific and industrial development.
In general, the direction and focus of people's efforts
is in great part a product of the needs, pressures, and
circumstances of their environment, and not merely a function
of their ambition to improve their social standing. If there
had existed in China, during the period of the final two
imperial dynasties, Ming and Qing (1369-1911) competition
between economic and ruling forces, as there was in Europe,
and there had been a demand for technological development
with anticipated dividends, then individuals - not necessarily
intellectuals cultivated by the government - would have
emerged who would have trained themselves to 'supply the
goods' in accordance with the demand. In China - particularly
during the relevant period that corresponds to industrial
growth in Europe and the US - there was no competition between
ruling forces for any significant period, and it was impossible
to develop any serious competition between economic forces
who were receiving encouragement from government powers
or were involved in the government and in its power struggles.
In China, a fleet of ships would be established by imperial
command, and recalled - again by imperial command - all
according to the interests of the one united government.
4. A fifth possibility is - that the last three imperial
dynasties that ruled in China during the relevant period,
between 1260-1911, were very conservative for reasons of
self interest. The first was Mongolian and the third Manchurian
and as foreign dynasties, they feared provoking opposition,
and thus shied away from innovations and attempted to adhere
to Chinese traditions. The second of these three dynasties,
the Ming dynasty was established based on claims that the
previous dynasty , Yuan, violated ancient traditions since
it was a foreign dynasty. In order to make itself more palatable
to the Chinese, more authentically Chinese, and also in
reaction to past problems and internal problems that had
developed in China as a result of greater openness and relatively
rapid development, the Ming dynasty manifested absolute
conservatism and avoided all innovations. This renouncement
of innovation undermined the potential for scientific and
technological development in China during these three dynasties,
and is a possible reason why China did not advance in the
field of industry and science. 5. Regarding the previous
reason, it should be made clear, that it is not a cause
or root, but rather a consequence. If the prevailing system
in China had not discouraged all internal power struggles,
then individual rulers (they or representatives who acted
in their names) would not have favored considerations that
would increase their domestic power over considerations
that would improve their international image and position.
Therefore, to a certain extent, reason #6 is connected to
reason #4. 6. Of course, it is self evident that both the
fourth and sixth reasons do not probe the root of the phenomenon
- why was there an imperial uniform system of government
in China. This leads us to consider the basic social structure,
the nuclear family, the clans, extended family, native tribes,
and ancestor worship as possible reasons for the Chinese
predisposition to loyalty and submission and to uniting
under one single ruler. In comparing the West and China,
the question arises as to what societal differences as well
other factors caused an industrial revolution to take place
in the West and not in China. The seven possibilities suggested
above are not sufficiently fleshed out to produce any definite
conclusions. Therefore, further analysis of the related
subjects and facts is necessary. This chapter will commence
with the West, starting with the beginning of Christianity,
and the research incentive that was the product of hermetic
legends, and then proceed to the beginning of the age of
scientific inquiry, focusing on Galileo and an understanding
of the forces that promoted scientific innovation even in
an environment of a patronage whose ruling powers sought
to safeguard their own powers from competing elements and
whose religious leaders censured scientific advancement.
A sketch of the development of science in the West, with
the emergence of a scientific community that oversaw and
adjudicated scientific progress will follow this. The controversy
between Hobbes, who represented the position that advocated
the advancement of the scientific theory to empirical science,
and Robert Boyle, who represented the school that advocated
the advancement of experimental science that is responsible
for scientific theories, will serve as a concrete example
of this. This chapter will then move on to the role of Protestantism
and the bourgeoisie in the development of capitalism, concluding
with the US and changes in the American family that resulted
from the Industrial Revolution. Following all this, this
chapter will proceed to a comparison of the West and China.
The Roots of the Industrial Revolution in the West: - Hermetic
Legends and Their Influence on the Development of Science
During the Period of the Renaissance: - According to Frances
Yates, the urge for scientific development during the Age
of the Renaissance stemmed in part from a tradition that
originated during the Rise of Christianity, around a historical
Egyptian figure named Hermes Trimigestos Who lived at the
time of Moshe and the Exodus from Egypt and was also linked
to the banishment of Adam from Eden and to man's creative
powers. This legend intimated that man has the power to
acquire knowledge and that it is his duty to perfect God's
creation and to be a creator himself. The message of this
legend was that labor is not contemptible, but rather noble
since it has the power to refine knowledge. Galileo and
the Factors that Influenced Scientific Research During his
Lifetime: - Galileo was a Catholic from Northern Italy who
lived at the end of the 16th- beginning of the 17th centuries.
He studied physics and mathematics, focusing primarily on
the celestial bodies. Coming from an indigent family, he
needed the financial support of wealthy and often also powerful
individuals, and therefore developed a relationship with
the Great Duke of Medici and also with the Pope himself.
Galileo's fame spread even during his lifetime, and his
telescopes sold well throughout Europe, making him considerable
profits. Galileo faced serious financial and religious pressures
to develop his scientific theories in accordance with religious
beliefs and texts. He refused to succumb, however, insisting
that rather than tailoring his scientific findings to conform
with accepted religious interpretation, religious writings
should be reinterpreted in accordance with scientific findings.
In other words, whenever these two contradicted each other,
Galileo concluded that the original interpretation of the
religious writings had been mistaken, and that scientific
discoveries could facilitate a more correct understanding
of the religious texts. The realism that had already begun
to take hold of Europe, however, demanded that every hypothesis
must be consistent with science as well as the Church's
interpretation of religious texts. When Galileo was summoned
to Rome to be tried by the Inquisition for his ideas, his
theories were rejected on scientific and religious grounds.
Galileo's belief that the earth revolved around the sun
was considered both scientifically erroneous as well as
absolute heresy. In order to avoid being punished as a heretic,
Galileo recanted. Scientists - who were not Protestant and
who did not live in such close proximity to the Pope, faced
fewer restrictions on their scientific beliefs. The Protestant
Tycho Brahe based much of his science on Copernicus' theories,
with the support and encouragement of the King of Denmark
who left at his disposal an island with various equipment
including a sophisticated printing press. Scientific research,
during this time, faced not only the external censorship
of the Church, but also internal, self-imposed censorship.
Kepler, for example, who first published his findings in
1596 was a committed Protestant, who felt duty-bound to
only publicize ideas that were consistent with religious
texts. Galileo, in contrast to Kepler, did not concern himself
with this issue, though he did attempt to reconcile his
findings with religious texts. Galileo lived at a time when
the success of scientists depended on their ability to find
benefactors and patrons. The patron would generally provide
the scientist with a regular stipend or, as in the case
of Brahe, with scientific equipment and supplies. A scientist's
rank and status depended on the size of the stipend he received
from his patron, relative to those received by other scientists.
No scientific community existed at this time that could
evaluate scientific discoveries, as will be evident in the
case of Hobbes discussed below, so patronage was the determining
factor. The patronage of an admired leader conferred social
status, and even sometimes enabled one scientist to organize
patronages for other scientists, and thus prove his power
and standing. Patrons were common also in the fields of
music and art in general. The system of patronage insured
that a scientist did not ignore scientific criticism, since
it had an affect on one's own patron's standing among fellow
patrons, and a scientist owed his patron respect. The system
motivated scientists to prove themselves, and to publish
their discoveries. Galileo, for this reason, felt obliged
to follow in the footsteps of Copernicus, to take upon himself
the difficult weighty task of fighting for his beliefs,
a fight, which ultimately landed him in the dungeon of the
Inquisition. The scientist and his scientific method, during
this time period, were thus pawns in the hands of opposing
social forces. According to Elizabeth Eisenstein, the dearth
of scientific research by Protestant scientists in the year
1640 stemmed from Luther's declaration against scientists
and against Copernicus' theory and all proponents of his
theory. Luther asserted that according to Biblical texts,
it is not the earth that moves, but rather the sun, and
thus it is not conceivable to suggest the opposite. Luther's
views had influence, for some time, over Protestant scientists,
just as the Catholic Church's opposition to Galileo had
influence over Catholic scientists. Thus, around the year
1640, Protestant scientific activity declined, until with
the passage of time the weight of Luther's declarations
diminished, and scientific activity resumed. It emerges
from this description that a range of conflicting, competing
factors existed in Europe that affected the development
of science. These factors were apparently essential to scientific
development, and it is logical to suppose that similar factors
had influence later on in history, and even today. The Emergence
of the Scientific Community to Steer Scientific Research
as Exemplified by Hobbes and Boyle: - In the case of Hobbes,
controversy took place in the years 1660-1670, in England,
between two scientists, Hobbes and Boyle. Hobbes supported
the philosophy of the natural sciences while Boyle advocated
scientific development through the method of experimental
science. Boyle designed an air pump that was recognized
and applauded by the royal scientific community in London,
and by which he proved that vacuums are possible, at least
under laboratory conditions. Hobbes also was recognized
and venerated for his achievements - in the realm of society
and morality - for his book, Leviathan, while in the realm
of natural sciences he was censured, and even accused of
plagiarism. Hobbes did not realize that in criticizing Boyle's
air-pump, he was criticizing an invention and a person who
enjoyed the status of a national hero, and who was a source
of national pride for England. Hobbes claimed that, in contrast
to Boyle's experimental approach, proponents of a philosophical
approach to science are members of an elite class of true
intellectuals and scholars, and not mere laboratory assistants.
This statement peeved those who were meant to adjudicate
between Hobbes and Boyle, members of the royal scientific
community, individuals who held Boyle's methods in great
regard. They considered Hobbes' words a vilification of
a British national hero and a denigration of his means of
employment. Hobbes refused even to submit to the judgment
of the royal scientific community, insisting that they were
biased in the matter, a claim that implicitly accused them
of corruption. Hobbes' attitude alienated the scientific
community and caused them to reject his scientific methods,
even though theoretically both Hobbes and Boyle's methods
both possessed their share of flaws. It is fitting to include
here the words of Thomas Kone, a writer at the beginning
of the 20th century who described the role of the scientific
community in the acceptance of Western scientific theories.
His book, which earned the approbation of that very community
about which he spoke, claims that when a majority of scientists
are persuaded as to the truth of a new theory, then it replaces
an old one, only to be replaced itself when a newer theory
becomes popular in the same way. This is a limited social
process that is not dependent on natural forces, but rather
on the bias and predisposition of members of the scientific
community. Thus, the social game played a significant role
in the development of science in the West. Protestantism,
Bourgeoisie, and the Industrial Revolution - Max Weber,
noting that Western man gloats in the fact that he surpasses
Eastern cultures, explores the reason for this phenomenon.
Leaving aside the possibility that the cause is anthropological,
and observing that Western Protestants outperform Western
Catholics, he discusses differences between Protestants
and Catholics, and the development of a form of capitalism
that is based on rational organization of free labor, steering
of the production according to free market and separation
of the business from family maintenance as well as logical
bookkeeping and a clear system of law. In his opinion, Protestants
have succeeded in these areas more than Catholics because
Protestantism demands more of its followers than does Catholicism.
It imposes ethical duties, including diligence and honesty,
as is most apparent in New England, the home of the Puritans
and Protestants, and in contradistinction to Catholic values
from the Middle Ages and earlier. According to Protestant,
and specifically Puritan teachings, though every individual
should be paid according to his output because otherwise
productivity will decline, financial compensation should
not be the motivating factor but rather the view that one's
job is a religious calling. Protestants, in general, and
Puritans, in particular inculcate their children with such
a work ethic, and this education has resulted in a serious
approach towards work, a willingness to make do with little,
and an attitude that one is fulfilling a religious calling
through one's work, a calling that has its dividends, and
whose dividends are reinvested in the factory, over and
above the factory owner's needs. He must invest these profits
in his factory, in order to expand his business, and in
this manner a 'capitalist spirit' developed. The constant
attention and effort that the business demanded ultimately
became a life force, and man began to live to work, rather
than the reverse. Protestantism deemed the pursuit of profit
- which Catholicism so denigrated, as described in the writings
of Thomas Maquines - extremely laudable. This approach began
with Luther's reformation, and his emphasis on fulfillment
of national obligations, from which the notion evolved that
all honest labor finds favor in God's eyes. Weber speaks
at length about the Calvinists, a sect that branched off
from Protestantism, which taught that man must prove his
faith by working the land. While Thomas Maquines, according
to Catholic theology, claimed that man's place in the world
is random and haphazard, Luther believed that the classes
and professions of man are the products of the historical
objective order, expressions of the divine will, and thus
it became a religious imperative to remain in one's preordained
class. The Puritans already affirmed man's right to change
occupations, even for the sake of increased financial reward,
since personal wealth is considered an acceptable goal,
as long as it does not lead man to slothfulness and sinful
pleasures, and as long as society ultimately benefits too.
Calvinists and Baptists took these convictions one step
further, believing that through their industriousness and
diligence, they fulfilled a divine obligation. Over the
course of time and the development of capitalism in the
West, the religious component was lost, and only bald latent
utilitarianism remained. Western philosophy has always been
permeated by the motif of utilitarianism, whether personal
or communal, material or spiritual. This process began with
Kant, continued with Bentham's theory, until the liberal
communitarianism of today, Rawls and post-modernism. Weber's
description contrasts sharply with Chinese culture, which
was based on Confucianism, on loyalty to the emperor, father,
and master, and on the generosity of these individuals to
those beholden to them. In such a system, there is no concept
of man trying to better himself or aiming to raise his social
standing, since there is no higher good than fulfillment
of obligations in general, and faithfulness, in particular.
Fathers and Sons and Division Between Family and Work -
Weber already spoke about how the bourgeoisie was built
on a division between one's work and employment on one hand,
and family life on the other. He did not, however, relate
to changes in family relations that resulted from this split.
This chapter will explore this issue, in particular the
status of the mother-wife in the narrow family unit, and
the changes that transpired in father son relations in the
US during the 19th century, as a result of the Industrial
Revolution and urbanization. John Demos describes how -
the shift from an agricultural life, in which the entire
family, including the children, participated, to an alien,
even precarious atmosphere, in which the father-husband
concentrated on providing financially for his family, and
the mother-wife concentrated on the education of her children
and on domestic affairs - affected family dynamics. A son's
connection with his mother intensified and became intimate,
while his feelings towards his father became emotionally
estranged and competitive. A son sought to prove himself
equal or superior to his father, while possessing warm,
intimate, almost sexual feelings towards his mother. These
feelings were so strong that when soldiers went out to war,
they would sing songs proclaiming their desire to fight
'for the sake of their mother,' for whom they were willing
to even sacrifice their lives. Towards their fathers, however,
they felt they owed nothing. Demos considers the Industrial
Revolution one of the factors that caused the father-husband's
disconnection with the family home, in 19th century American
society. Perhaps, though, Demos has reversed the cause and
effect. Perhaps the changes in the family (that stemmed
from urbanization, and the perils of city life that drove
women to seek the shelter of their home, leaving their husbands
to make their way on the outside alone) enabled the father-husband
to work in industry and factories. Perhaps the son's sense
of competition with his father and need to prove himself,
impelled him to aspire higher than his father, to excel
in his work and perhaps open his own business or factory.
The mother-wife's role in the home became primary, while
the father-husband became somewhat of a peripheral, alienated
factor, responsible for "bringing home the bacon,"
but playing an absolutely secondary role in the home. The
mother's increased authority and influence in the home,
and the sense of estrangement the son felt towards his father,
distinguished Western culture from Chinese culture. In Imperial
China, disrespect of one's father was inconceivable. Respect
for one's mother was also valued, but it was secondary to
respect for one's father. A child in 19th century America
had far greater freedom to forge his own way than did his
counterpart in China. This factor, among others, had a major
impact on the development of industry, or lack there of,
in America and China. Religion - The term 'religion' in
Imperial China has a different denotation than it does in
the West. In China, religion refers to Buddhism, Daoism,
and various other regional and national religions, that
are all connected with idols or spirits and demons. Moism
(Of course, not that of Chairman Mao) that lasted for about
250 years, until the second century BCE will be discussed
separately. Buddhism and Daoism (and also Moism, in its
time) were based on writings and theories. Confucianism
is a moral code that served as a basis for life in Imperial
China, beginning in theeven before second century BCE. The
founder of Taoism established a number of gods that corresponded
to the range of traditions, and Daoist priests were permitted
to add gods, in defined roles, and varied hierarchical positions.
Every political figure in the Chinese government possessed
a spiritual-pagan twin whose bureaucratic function paralleled
that of the actual political ruler, and whose existence
strengthened the rule of the actual leader. Already, during
the period of the Sheng Dynasty, from the 16th century BCE
until the 119th century, the accepted belief was that the
spiritual world operated according to established rules
that served as basic conditions for the existence of bureaucratic
rule in the physical world. National religions had a hierarchy
of spirits and demons, just as there was a hierarchy of
gods in Daoism. A spirit could be attached to a particular
family and some had established temples that were open to
the public. Buddhism seemed almost modern, in contrast to
all these religions, but Buddhism, itself, was associated
with an idol - the Buddha. The roots of Buddhism were found
in the ancient religions of the Indian sub-continent Hinduism
-, polytheistic religions that did not speak of pure transcendentalism.
It was based on dharma, a concept that fuses the physical
world with the transcendental world. Buddhists in China
performed ceremonies reminiscent of the bureaucratic operation
of government institutions. The primary moral system that
the Imperial state generally recognizes, did not emerge
from the religions that were mentioned - though Daoism and
Buddhism do contain moral principles - but rather from Confucian
moral philosophy. Daoism and Buddhism have holy writings,
and in this respect they are progressive religions. The
Chinese, like the Japanese and Thai, did and do not consider
it inconsistent to accept all the religions and philosophies
that one is familiar with. Thus, it is quite common that
a Chinese person will be simultaneously a Buddhist, Daoist,
follower of Confucianism, and a believer in spirits and
demons. The situation in Japan is similar, as Ben-Ami Shiloni
writes on page 301 of his book, 'Modern Japan,' "The
nature of Shintuist ceremonies is on the whole communal
nature, while that of Buddhist ceremonies is familial. Most
couples perform only a civil ceremony of marriage, though
there are some who conduct also a religious ceremony in
a Shintu temple or Christian Church. Most of those who marry
in a Church opt to do so only because of its beauty and
the organ music that is played, without any connection to
Christianity. Thus, it happens that many Japanese will celebrate
their birth in a Shintu temple, marry in a Christian Church,
and be brought to burial in a Buddhist ceremony - without
viewing their actions as inherently inconsistent."
The dominant religion in the West is Christianity, a religion
rooted in Judaism. In its early stages, Christianity was
Catholic and afterwards also Protestant It is based on the
Jewish belief in an unseen God who transcends reality, who
is not corporeal and has no body, fused, from its inception,
with a belief in a son of God, Jesus - a belief with definite
pagan influence in the idols of Jesus and the Holy Virgin.
The Pravoslavic sect even added certain pagan symbols and
images from different Eastern countries in which the Pravoslavic
religion had spread. With the advent of the Protestant reformation,
the various offshoots of this sect of Christianity became
less pagan, more transcendental, though they retained their
faith in Jesus, the son of God. Despite the pagan impurities
that adhere to Christianity, it is a religion that is less
pagan than Chinese religions. Christianity is absolute and
severe in its demands, in contrast to Chinese religions.
Confucius' philosophical-moral teaching, the central moral
system in China throughout most of the imperial periods,
is considered a secular philosophy, though it teaches that
a spiritual world parallels our own. As Bodde explains,
such a belief is convenient for the ruling powers because
it lends support for the existence of hierarchical privileges
and it values literary culture. Confucianism, known in China
as 'the intellectuals' school of thought,' was from the
outset popular primarily among Chinese elite. This system
propounded respect and deference for the emperor, and was
adopted by many imperial books of law. In this manner, and
in accordance with imperial directives, this system expanded
its influence in popular circles too, though national religions
still remained dominant in these groups. Confucianism's
rival philosophical system for approximately 250 years,
was Moism. It spread primarily among populist circles, and
in its time, was as widespread as Confucianism. Moism was
a moral code of behavior, established in China by Mozi Tzu
(5th century381-479 BCE) that always had a spiritual leader,
a community of loyal believers, holy writings, and an explicit
code of law. It taught that man should love all his fellow
men equally, though politically, inequality existed in the
form of higher and lower classes. It called for belief in
spirits and demons that observe man's actions, and reward
those who believe in them, primarily Maoists, and punish
those who deny their existence. It promoted the value of
honest labor and efficiency, extreme asceticism, and concentration
on logic and on very specific topics, including the science
of light, mechanics, biology, and defensive military technology.
Imperialism rejected Moism apparently, because of the asceticism
and economic equality that it promoted, its uncompromising
nature, its logical inconsistencies and lack of realism.
During the early imperial era - the Qin and Han dynasties
- Moism was uprooted as popular movement because of the
threat it pose to the centralized bureaucratic system and
its anti-Confucionists ideas. With the exception of Moism,
there was separation of religion and State in China, aside
from short limited episodes, the most prominent ones being
the rise to power of two messianic Daoist movements after
the fall of the unified Han dynasty, in the year 184. One
of these movements lasted a mere few months, while the other
survived 31 years. Derk Bodde discusses the role religions
in China played in preventing an Industrial Revolution.
Buddhism, especially, is thought to have played a significant
role, since it is based on a distinct world perspective
that can be harmed through study of the universe. Bodde
claims otherwise, suggesting that Buddhism was never a serious
force in China. He quotes C.K. Yang, an anthropologist who
discovered that traditional Chinese in the 19th-20th centuries,
in Southeast Asia and Latin America demonstrated an ability
to develop industrial and commercial factories. Bodde presents
this as proof that the roots of the lag in China's industrial
growth lie not only in the Chinese system of values, but
also in the makeup of Chinese society and its partiality
for the upper social-political class of intellectuals over
the social class of merchants. This idea constitutes a seventh
possible explanation of the lack of an Industrial Revolution
in Imperial China, though it also raises certain questions:
1. While it is true that most Chinese intellectuals did
not study natural sciences, there is nothing remarkable
about this fact. Most teachers and students in the West
today and during the time of the Industrial Revolution do
and did not study natural sciences, and many do and did
study philosophy, literature, sociology, law, history, anthropology,
and other classical subjects. 2. One chose one's occupation
in Imperial China freely and directly. Perhaps the one 'above,'
guided one's choice, for he possessed the power to prevent
any activity that was not consonant with his ruling interest,
as will be demonstrated below, in the discussion of the
merchant class. 3. Does occupation not depend on financial
backing - both in the form of research and study grants,
and in the form of economic markets for one's designs? Even
if a society's social structure promotes the study of literature
and not science, won't people engage in scientific research,
when there is a 'market' for scientific inventions? Garbage
collection may not be considered the most dignified occupation,
but since there is a demand for it and a willingness to
pay for the service, there are garbage collectors. Social
standing is only one form of possible compensation. Money
is the other. 4. Regarding the claim that Chinese social
structure didn't promote a positive attitude to exact science,
the question arises - whether any social structure in any
country actually promotes scientific research. Perhaps the
aspect of social structure that encourages scientific research
only came into being as a result of changes in this structure
that occurred as a result of scientific research. 5. As
will be discussed further on, commerce developed in Imperial
China at a time when the government was weak and it made
no attempt to impede scientific development. Once the government
ceased erecting barriers, social structure also ceased presenting
a barrier. Thus clearly 'social structure' alone does not
have the power to hamper an industrial or scientific process.
Nevertheless, combined with other factors, and in specific
circumstances, it definitely plays a significant role. Bodde
adds that had Daoist philosophy prevailed over Confucianism
in China, China would have been more likely to experience
technological and industrial development, just like Western
Europe. In general, according to Bodde, religions in China,
being polytheistic, lacked central structure and the ability
to demand the same general responsibility as monotheistic
religions. Bodde notes that in Tibet, Mongolia, and Japan,
religion played a decisive role, even though it was not
monotheistic, and thus concludes that polytheistic religion
in China was a secondary, and not primary cause of China's
failure to develop scientifically and industrially. The
primary reason is tied to the institutional air that prevailed
in Imperial China. While this reason deserves to be pursued
further, one should not underestimate the significance of
the difference between monotheistic and polytheistic religions.
In monotheism, a single god rules over the entire world,
and therefore his rule is absolute in every place. A monotheistic
religion is therefore, total and absolute, while a polytheistic
religion is less rigid and more tolerant. It, naturally,
lacks the ambition for political rule, and poses no threat
to the government. Thus, a government can confidently permit
the practice of many varied polytheistic religions. Pagan
religions generally do not get involved in government or
in development of industry or science, though one notable
exception is the role played by Daoism's search for a drug
that would give eternal life, in the advancement of science
and chemistry in China. What emerges from all this, is that
if Protestantism played a significant role in the rise of
the bourgeoisie, capitalism, and rationalism, and in the
economic and industrial development of Europe, as Weber
claims, then no such development could even have been anticipated
in China. Though Moism 'officially' supported the concept
of technological development - since it was a pagan religion,
the actual motivation to develop technology during the Han
dynasty did not suffice to insure real change and revolution,
like in the West. The roots of the absolute nature of the
governments in Japan, Mongolia, and Tibet, can be found
not necessarily in the religious dimension of the government,
but rather in non-religious, civilian causes and circumstances.
Due to the expansive nature of this specific topic and our
belief that it will not contribute significantly to our
discussion, we leave further examination of it to a different
time. Merchant Status in Imperial China and Conclusion:
An examination of the status of merchants in Imperial China
will reflect the influence of centralized government on
social structure and economic developments in China. SenisTwitchettexamines
the revolutionary change that took place in Chinese political
institutions, economic organization, and social structure
during the years 750-1000 CE. There was immense growth in
commerce, the general money system, and urbanization, as
well as changes in government bureaucracy. Until that time,
the scholars were tied to the government, by their common
ideology and because they served as their scribes. The status
of anyone who displayed any rivalry toward them immediately
suffered. The military elite was treated contemptuously,
and the scribes who recorded the history of the time regarded
the merchant community even more negatively. There were
four classes mentioned in recorded history: the scholars
and bureaucracy, the farmers, artisans, and merchants. The
government favored the farmers, since they paid taxes and
served in the army at a time of war. The merchants were
considered a threat to the established order. They were
disparaged because in their pursuit of wealth and material
gain, they violated Confucian principles that emphasized
service of the civil and military state. Though there was
consensus that the merchant filled an essential role in
bridging distances between sellers and buyers, he was nevertheless
considered as lowly as the artisan, in addition to being
viewed as uncreative and a divisive force. The government
struggled to find a way to monitor their activities. Some
people were of the opinion that they should be isolated
in order to avoid rousing the farmers' jealousy. The merchant
class was already accepted by the time of the Chin and Han
dynasties as a necessary evil, and merchants enjoyed a free
status according to law. During the T'ang dynasty, two policies
pertaining to them were established: A prohibition against
turning them into an elite class based on their wealth,
a class that would rival the governing and intellectual
elite. The intention was only to prevent the merchants from
parading their wealth, not to prevent them from amassing
wealth. Financial activities and expenditures, including
style of dress, type of vehicle, residence, furnishings,
ornaments and their involvement in social events were to
be regulated. All these regulations and the taxes they were
subjected to would highlight how lowly their status was
compared to the bureaucrats and scholars. The merchants
were even the first class enlisted in a time of war. Each
merchant was obligated to register and pay for a place in
the market. He, his sons, and his grandsons, were disqualified
from government positions. Despite all the limitations,
the merchant remained a free man and he was exempt from
all civil obligations. A special government agency established
work conventions and hours, monitored the quality of the
merchandise, issued licenses of sale for livestock, slaves,
and land, and ensured fair honest business practices. Independent
markets that operated in the capital city catered to the
needs of the ruling elite, the clergy, and the emperor's
court. Foreign trade was conducted, all the way until the
Middle East, Manchuria, and Tibet. There were various checkpoints
along the way in which written licenses were checked, and
tolls and even bribes were paid. The government itself competed
with the merchants, buying up large quantities in times
of bounty and selling them at discounted prices in times
of scarcity. The government's intention was to help the
needy, but this policy significantly lowered the merchants'
profits. During the T'ang dynasty, the government issued
coins whose value was lower than the price of their copper,
as well as stockpiled in its warehouses silk cloth that
they sold at prices that prevented the merchants from making
excessive-profits. Inspectors from the merchant class itself
worked in cooperation with the merchant unions that registered
merchants and set official prices. The government employed
other merchants to collect taxes. It would entrust money
usually in the hands of certain wealthy merchants, who would
pay a set interest rate and could then use the money as
they chose, loaning it to who they saw fit, and keeping
the difference in interest. The local, not central government,
was responsible for all this. All this changed in the year
755, with the revolution of An-Lu-Shan. At the end of a
multi-year process, the only areas that remained under direct
imperial control were the areas around the capital and the
southern regions, while all the other regions maintained
only a tenuous connection with the emperor. Some of the
southern districts were destroyed and became desolate. During
the revolt and the battles that took place, the government
gained control of approximately a fifth of the merchants'
assets. The manufacture and marketing of salt remained primarily
under the emperor's control, and a monopoly was created
that paid the emperor taxes, an arrangement that continued
for the duration of the dynasty. Salt merchants attained
an elite status among the general population of merchants.
After the year 760, every semi-independent region paid an
annual tax to the emperor, and the regional government imposed
taxes as it saw fit - but taxes were paid using currency,
and not merchandise, as had been formerly the norm - causing
a serious shortage of copper currency. Hebei and North Henan
were now independent and thus paid no taxes. They were the
primary source of silk, so money replaced silk as valuable
change, weakening the power of the imperial government.
Various copper mines and their copper fell into the hands
of private individuals, lowering the value of the copper
currency that the imperial government issued. As a result
of this situation, private banking began to develop in the
year 760. While all these changes were occurring - also
manufacturing began to expand, early agricultural machinery
and irrigation tools were developed, and a population shift
took place - all of which led to a growth in commerce. The
cities that were home to the governments of the semi-independent
regions grew and prospered, particularly in the regions
of River Hiang-Che and Henanonaan. The growth of commerce
affected the process of urbanization. Markets became particularly
active in the cities of the region. The government no longer
interfered in the markets in rural regions, where commerce
was originally seasonal, but ultimately became almost daily.
In the 9th-10th centuries, these rural markets became commercial
cities, and the regional government's administration was
established in them. Trade initially took place through
a system of bartering, but eventually currency was used
instead. The old system of government-controlled markets
gradually disappeared, and centers of trade even began to
operate outside the markets, in separate quarters that each
specialized in a particular line of merchandise. The special
status previously enjoyed by foreign merchants, relative
to local ones, declined. Commercial taxes were no longer
imposed on a regular basis, but rather only in times of
emergency. During the years 844-878, during the reign of
Chao-Tsan, direct taxes were levied on buildings, and certain
merchandise (like tea, wood, and polish), a government monopoly
existed on liquor, and a 20% sales tax collected by the
merchants' union. All the taxes were repealed, however,
in the year 785. In the year 793, a tax was reimposed on
tea, a product that enjoyed a wide market and which enriched
anyone who traded in it. Both the imperial government and
regional governments occasionally imposed taxes on the merchants.
The prevailing attitude was no longer that commerce was
a necessary, but inherent evil, and close supervision and
regulation of it was abandoned, now that it provided a source
of income for the government. Nevertheless, 'lip service'
was paid to the agricultural heads, since agriculture was
viewed as the backbone of the economy. This completed the
changes that resulted from government uprisings combined
with changes in economic needs. The height of this process
took place in the 12th-13th centuries, but subsequently,
in the later imperial period, there was a return to the
conservative attitude that opposed commerce and consequently
impeded the development of science and industry. Conclusion
For hundreds of years, the Chinese progressed and even overtook
the Europeans in the field of technological inventions,
such as the paper and printing industry, gun powder, large
battleships, manufacture of silk, astronomic studies, and
the manufacture of iron. During the period of the final
two dynasties, primarily beginning with the 15th century,
however, all progress halted. Astronomy, from the beginning,
had only served the interests of the royalty in China, providing
the emperor with background for astrological predictions
regarding his empire. The building of cannons did not progress
past cannons that fired arrows (probably because the imperial
government had no imperial aspirations, and needed only
to protect itself against invaders). As is evident from
examination of the development of industry at the end of
the T'ang dynasty, in the year 755 C.E., Chinese commerce
and economy expanded as a result of the partial collapse
of the imperial government. Similar economic development,
including industrial and commercial growth, urbanization,
changes in the social structure, system of taxation, and
ownership of agricultural land, as well as changes in the
status of the farmers, occurred over 1,000 years earlier,
as examined by Hsu Cho-Yun. All this demonstrates the critical
role - that the system of government, its structure, power,
and interests - play in halting, or encouraging and facilitating
economic and social changes, and the effect they in turn
have on the government. In examining the reasons for the
lack of an industrial revolution in China, taking into consideration
the centrality of the government in all that goes on in
the State, it is important to take into account the unity
of the Chinese government and the trend to one unified government
in all of China, as depicted by Yuri Pines. This was a trend
that prevailed in China throughout the relevant periods,
and it played a significant role in the endurance of the
imperial form of government whose authority and jurisdiction
extended to all of China. The question is, why specifically
China? Why not Europe? Why not India? Why not Africa and
America? Why not the Arab world? Why didn't the Roman Empire
survive as long as Chinese imperialism? Imperial government
could not be sustained indefinitely simply by military legions,
as is evidenced by the reign of Alexander the Great and
the Roman Empire. What failed, though, in Greece and Rome,
succeeded in China, namely the attempt to imprint in the
hearts and minds of the Chinese citizens the perception
that the emperor was a father to all his subjects, and that
all his subjects were a single nation, bound by one faith,
one worldview, one tradition, and even one (written) language.
The Chinese considered themselves one family, and this perception,
whether historically accurate or not, caused the Chinese
to view themselves as one unity, rooted in hundreds and
thousands of years of common history. The Chinese, very
successfully achieved that which so many -the French, English,
German, and Italians - sought largely unsuccessfully to
accomplish. Only they were able to create the perception
that their nation was one great unity. As a result, even
when a foreign power ruled China (the Yuan dynasty that
ruled China for approximately one hundred years, and the
Manchj'urian Qing dynasty that ruled for close to amore
than 250 hundred years), the government lasted for many
years. The key to such successful government lay not within
successful rulers, but within successful subjects - the
Chinese.
