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     Nationalism in America - (p. 418)
 
 


- Primordial and Political Nationalism: Most of Western writing on the subject of nationalism is a product of the 20th century. Very little was written on this topic outside of the West, except for what was written about Asian countries from a Western perspective. Western writing has proposed realistic, material, utilitarian, primarily non-emotional causes of nationalism that have little to do with ethnic factors. Some examples are: 1. The model of internal imperialism, which is based in Max Weber's theory regarding the economically and industrially deprived periphery. 2. The model of nationalism as a utilitarian system that a person either does or doesn't adopt depending on how well it serves his interests, which is led by the society's elites and not by all the members of the group that is to be declared a nation. 3. The model of ability and economic interest as primary factors in the formation of a nation. According to this model, a nation is formed only if the group possesses the necessary economic capability, and the establishment of a distinct nation is in the group's interest. 4. The model of discrimination and discontentment that follows from Max Weber's system. According to this model, a group will establish a separate national framework only if overcome by feelings of group discrimination. The German Max Weber who wrote in the beginning of the 21st century considered the roots of nationalism to be economic. He initiated a German national discussion that promoted German imperialism and disassociated itself from the issue of democracy. Ernest Gelner, another notable writer on this subject, who wrote in the US in a later period than Weber, based his theory on economic forces that stemmed from modernization and from the development of industry on the basis of a democratic society with a modern advanced culture. He considered discrimination a necessary impetus in the formation of a nation. A later star in the study of nationalism who completed yet also opposed Gelner's theories, was Benedict Anderson. Anderson claimed that the printing industry played a primary role in promoting nationalism by creating a uniform written language that was widely distributed and that unified similar dialects and languages into one language. The industry's goal was to increase its profits by widening the distribution of its printed materials. At the same time, it managed to create a single entity out of wider communities that were united by virtue of common language, common literature, similar ways of thinking, common likes, dislikes, fears, and objects of disdain, thereby facilitating the creation of larger national entities, which constituted the basis for the establishment of large modern states with populations in the millions. According to Gelner's theory, private business and industrial business interests created modern states. Anderson proposed the opposite theory of the modern state as the stimulus, which established advanced industries. According to this theory, the large and developed source of manpower that is essential for industrial growth can only be supplied by a modern state that has the means of establishing public school systems that offer a sufficiently high education to prepare people for these jobs. Therefore, the modern state supported industry and enabled the development of capitalistic industrial interests in the modern world. In this way, of course, the state itself became modernized, and was compensated with modern industry, that led the state to become modern and successful. All these political thinkers, as a rule, do not base the nationalism they have witnessed on ethnic-historical-emotional-or primordial sources - which will be referred to here as 'deep-rooted nationalism'. Deep-rooted nationalism can sustain itself even without economic and political interests and forces. The other form of nationalism will be termed here - 'political nationalism' since it comes about according to the interests of the state that seeks to strengthen its sense of nationalism. In the absence of a deep-rooted nationalism that corresponds to the basic framework of the state, the state promotes a sense of nationalism, whether directly or indirectly, whether as a bureaucratic act or whether by academics, writers, poets, and the like, all acting from different motivations, and not always with the awareness that they are helping create a nation that coincides with the civilian population in the state. Taking Israel as an example: 1. From the outset, the state was declared a Jewish state, a state for the Jewish people. 2. Representatives of the Zionist movement, the Jewish nation's national movement in the diaspora, and representatives of the Jewish settlement in the land in which the state of Israel was established, a population of people of Jewish descent living in the territory of the State, declared the establishment of the State of Israel in Israel's Declaration of Independence. 3. The state was established through the efforts of the Zionist settlers, the Zionists, and members of the Jewish nation's national movement. 4. The Jewish nation is an entity that lives in the consciousness of anyone born to Jewish parents, through the blood relation that has existed over thousands of years. 5. The Jewish people share a common distinct religion, a long history, a separate culture, an ancient tongue, and territorial aspirations to live in their ancient homeland (an aspiration that for many years was expressed only in prayer and no practical steps were taken to implement). This ancient homeland is located in the place that the State of Israel was established. 6. This state is inhabited also by Arabs who have lived there hundreds of years, and who began to experience a national awakening as the Palestinian people. These Arabs, along with neighboring Arab countries fought against the establishment of the Jewish state, while the Jews fought for its establishment. 7. Approximately 50 years after the establishment of the State of Israel, debate has ensued over whether an 'Israeli nation' exists that is composed of the citizens of the State of Israel (political nationalism), or whether two nationalities - deep-rooted ones, based on ethnic-religious ties (deep-rooted or primordial nationalism) exist in Israel. Those who claim and advocate a political nationalism cite the American-French idea of Israel being 'a country of all its citizens'. It should be recalled that both the French people and the American people are 'synthetically formed' nations, which strengthen their respective States. It thus emerges that the nationalism in all American countries is a political nationalism, with the exception of countries - like Mexico - which are united by some ancient tradition (in Mexico - Indian tradition). Further on, the question will be discussed certainly with regard to Mexico, of whether an approach that unites not only people with Indian blood but also those with Spanish blood is true deep-rooted nationalism, or in fact political nationalism disguised as deep-rooted. In the context of this question it will be possible to identify - with regard certainly to specific Latin American countries - which type of political nationalism exists, and what factors led to it - discrimination, economic interest, domestic imperialism, or some other factor not previously suggested. This book will evaluate the nature of the nationalism in Latin America and also attempt to predict what lies in Latin America's future. US Nationalism : This subject will only be dealt with briefly, since the focus here is Latin America, and the US is mainly discussed in order to contrast it to Latin America. 1. The English colonists in America had a need to create a distinctive identity that would distinguish them from the English in Britain. 2. Religion posed a problem for them, so they established the American civil religion. 3. The question of who should be included within the nation was a difficult one, which was ultimately resolved by the exclusion of the Indians and inclusion (particularly following the Civil War) of the Blacks. 4. They lacked a shared national experience - The War of Independence provided this factor. 5. They required shared traditions and legacies - and so legends developed around the writing of the constitution and the Philadelphia convention, the birthdays of great American leader became national holidays, Christmas became an American holiday, the national flag and American Independence day were stressed, and traditional parades were held. 6. English was chosen as the national language. 7. The Americans sought a unifying spiritual idea, one that was derived from English thought but had a distinctly American style. The democratic-political structure of government and legal institutions played an important role in this, and individualism and liberalism were advanced as aspects of the unique American spirit. The puritanical notion of a chosen land - America - and of a chosen nation - the American people - as well of a spiritual mission - of America's role as the champion of civil rights throughout the world (from which followed its support for the establishment of the UN, the Korean and Vietnam war, and American involvement in Somalia and Bosnia) were all reinforced. These ideals, combined with Protestant influence and emphasis on reading and knowing the Bible, formed the basis for the development of Black spiritualistic music, and for basic support for: the State of Israel - as the tie between the American 'Chosen nation' founded in the spirit of the Bible, and the original Biblical Chosen nation, the Jewish people, and for the Jewish people's return to their 'promised land' (that paralleled America as a promised land). It is these ideas that lie behind Anglo-American support for Israel, and not material or political interests. This last issue is the source of the differences between American government policies towards Israel and Western European ones. Western Europeans did not need to form a new nationalism, since they already had one. The question of whether what is being spoken of is separate French, German, Italian, Dutch, and Belgian nationalities, each around 200 years old, or of a 2000-year old unified culture and tradition (as emerges from the economic and political unification of Western Europe) is not within the scope of this book, though in general in relates to the broader discussion of political nationalism vs. deep-rooted nationalism. Canadian Nationalism : Strong Catholic influence existed in Canada, in comparison to the US. Therefore, the political approach that developed there was more consistent with French-Catholic hierarchy and loyalty to the British crown. Canada also developed around a certain conservatism and belief in the divine source of group rights and liberties (in contrast to the individual rights and individualism promoted in the US) that prompted groups to seek to preserve their distinct traditions (French Canadians in Quebec even sought to distance themselves from French activities in France that went against their religion). There is a theory (that will not be examined at length here) that does not seem implausible that Canada is an alliance of two religions, Protestantism and Catholicism. The school system is built religiously, as a dualistic separate system, in which each of the two religions has a separate educational system for itself. The Anglo-American belief in separation of Church and State was not accepted in Canada. Thus, while in the US, parents of a Catholic child attending a Catholic school must pay full private school tuition, in Canada such schooling would be paid for by the State. An element of fundamentalism, of religiosity, therefore, exists in Canada - an element that didn't develop as a means of creating a distinct Canadian national identity, but which does define Canadian nationality and is one of its components. The form of government between provinces is also a product of the same alliance of religions, and it too serves as a natural, genuine aspect of Canadian tradition. The connection to the British monarchy, and the idea of a government appointed by the British king or queen - though by the recommendation of the Canadian government - also plays a role. The distinctiveness from the US is also a fundamental one, part of the Canadian national tradition. Fundamental to the process of nationalism is the act of distancing the arising national entity from some external body. An enemy nation will inspire the greatest instincts for natural disassociation and national distinctiveness, yet any foreign entity can suffice. The British nation was formed in this manner, with the French king being a historic enemy from whom the British felt estranged since he was Catholic. Though the US did not represent an enemy nation to the Canadians, Canadians did feel a sense of superiority to their Anglo-American neighbors. Mexican Nationalism: Mexican nation was formed approximately 70 years ago as a fusion of Indian and modern traditions. Their conception of death has Indian and Spanish roots, while their legends of creation are Aztec and their stories of bullfights, Spanish. The institution of patronage has its roots in Spain, though its fine points are derived from conquest and the conqueror's feelings of superiority and from ethnic differences. Intermarriage in Mexico is part of Mexican heritage. It was neither brought from Spain, nor in existence among the Aztecs, but it is rather a fundamentally Mexican phenomenon that developed in Mexico - not in order to create a distinctive Mexican national identity but because it is truly Mexican. Therefore, the legend of the maiden from Guadalope Is not an Indian story that was adopted by the Mexicans, since the Mexicans on a whole have Indian blood. The fact that there aren't distinct races and ethnic groups in Mexico proves that their ethnic nationalism developed authentically. It still remains to be determined definitively, though, whether their nationalism is deep-rooted or political, since even though deep-rooted nationalism generally develops naturally and political nationalism is artificial and imposed, there is another factor that must be considered - that of age. Deep-rooted nationalism is generally particularly connected to an ancient civilization. A relatively new trend does not generally carry enough weight to have an effect on nationalism - a phenomenon linked to history. A nation would not be defined by a passing fad. Certainly a custom that is shared by a community, which has existed for a length of time that is not measurable by historical units of time, cannot be considered as defining a nation, for nationalism is essentially a historical term that can be quantified and measured - when the time comes - by the court of history. For example: the Germanic tribes that reached France and Germany, in their migrations and in the process of their settlement, do not appear to be, from a historical perspective, nations or peoples. They served a function in the process of forming a nation. Though they all originated in the same place, those who settled in France are known as Frenchmen while those who settled in Germany are known as Germans. Regarding the historical dimension that is essential for the test of nationalism, it is even reasonable, as mentioned above, to view the French and Germans as members of a common nationality, along with the Dutch, Belgians, British, Italians, and Spanish, since from a historical perspective they resemble family members who have quarreled, but who share a common culture. After all the wars between them, including two 'world wars' that truly seem more like domestic wars of Christian White man than international wars, the European nations reached the conclusion that all their internal quarrels lack relevance. Thus, it can be said that the many wars fought between the English and French, like those between the French and Germans were not expunged by the conciliation but by the conclusion that the wars lack relevance. According to this understanding, we will see that a Mexican nation exists, but that it is likely though far from certain, that it will be absorbed by an Pan-Latin American nation, the realization of a deep-rooted nationalism that can unite countries above the heads of their heads of State. Venezuelan Nationalism: ilar to the US, it was not the culture of the Venezuelan natives that influenced the dominant culture in the country, but rather the European culture of the immigrants. Of course there are several differences between the US and Venezuela: 1. Europeans who came to Venezuela from Spain did not feel superior to immigrants who came from other European countries, and new immigrants felt no obligation to adopt any new cultural practices other than language. It is possible to attribute this to the fact that the Spanish culture of the immigrants was not elitist, and the immigrants who arrived in the 1940's and later were perceived as skilled professionals of high social stature. 2. There are no racial groups in Venezuela that are considered innately lower class (Indians, Blacks). 3. As a result of the Spanish culture's lack of domination, and the economic boom that resulted from the discovery of oil, it was quite natural for the Venezuelans to adopt aspects of non-European cultures, and thus an 'international' culture rapidly began to infiltrate Venezuela, a culture that seemed consistent with the modernization that had so captivated Venezuelans. The first conclusion that follows is that an overwhelmingly natural process is taking place by which Venezuela adopts aspects that are a blend of cultural influences. This is a process that is unique though it its substance lacks uniqueness - since it adopts practices from varying sources, while mixing and blurring their roots. Considering Venezuela's connection to and solidarity with other Latin American countries, the question arises whether this diversity doesn't define the Pan-Latin American nation, a nation that is in the process of being formed. This is a topic that has far more questions than answers. Brazilian Nationalism: Brazilian nationalism is now approaching its 120th birthday (from the time of the liberation of its slaves), making it older than Mexican nationalism, and closer in age to Anglo-American nationalism. The fact that Portuguese is the official language in Brazil, as opposed to Spanish, and that from the time of Napoleon, Brazil was not a colony but an independent country are other factors that distinguish Brazil from other Latin American nations. Brazil, again in contrast to other Latin American countries was not first settled with the goal of spreading Catholicism throughout the world. Its size, in terms of geographical dimensions and population are two other distinguishing qualities, all of which form a basis for building a nation. Brazil's population is made up of Whites, who are the majority, and Blacks. Intermingling of the races is not ideologically mandated, but it is a reality. Patronage, a strong Spanish tradition, is a well-developed institution in Brazil. Brazilians are overwhelmingly pessimistic regarding the economic situation, and lacking in confidence that democracy will benefit them in this regard. They have little faith in the future, and except for carnivals and soccer, there is little that inspires strong feelings of unity. It is difficult to build a nation without an elevation of the spirit, inspiration, or a feeling of ascendancy, uniqueness, or mission. All these are lacking - for the most part - in Brazil. No individual or group possesses a sense of strength. The government is hierarchic as is common in Latin America, and there is no hope that the government or any other body has the ability to provide salvation. The small percentage of workers that belong to a professional union is a reflection of the lack of societal faith that exists in Brazil. Therefore, despite the distinctiveness of the Brazilian people, no process of nation building has occurred. Brazilians are essentially citizens without a great deal of hope, and without a clear future, even though the central government has managed to reasonably stabilize the economy and there is no societal breakdown like in Argentina. A clear picture of the situation in Brazil has yet to be drawn, but any conclusive determinations will be left to the conclusion of the discussion of nationalism in Latin America at the end of this chapter. Argentinean Nationalism: Argentina is a tale of class struggles and political conflict. The army has played a significant role in this story, enabling a minority to rule over the country for long periods of time. The collectivism that in other Latin American countries assumed a gentle form of currying favor with the central government, served in Argentina a basis for an internal rift. The population is almost entirely of European origin, the majority from Spain, and some from Italy. The absence of any obvious characteristic distinguishing one group from another, and thereby justifying hierarchic superiority has had a destructive influence, creating a hostile competitive atmosphere. The military too has adopted an aggressive confrontational approach, and the number of people secretly abducted and murdered by the army has only deepened the internal rift - not only between citizens, but also between the citizens and the army. Nationalism is a sense of unity. To the extent it exists in Argentina, it does not manifest itself in a positive constructive manner, but rather in demonstrations of violence and superiority on the part of those who consider themselves the elite towards other classes who do not accept their authority or superiority. The hierarchic structure of Argentina was thrown into confusion by policies adopted by President Menem, a Peronist who acted against the interest of the Peronist professional unions, who had voted him into office. He did so because of his connection to big businesses and his hopes to use them to pull Argentina out of a 60-year economic crisis - that had resulted from a sectoral government practices - both with landowners and the anti-Peronist labor movement. While Menem's willingness to break with the tradition of serving the interests of the sector that has offered him political support is commendable, his policies which were based on economic benefit rather than sectoral interest are more consistent with an Anglo-American approach than with a Latin American one. This fact was at the root of the last economic crisis, though plenty of economic crises took places under governments following the more traditionally Latin American approach. Apparently, no system can succeed when there is societal discord and division. When a society is sick, its economy is doomed to failure, regardless of whether its central government is following objectively 'sound' economic principles or whether it is acting in the interest of one sector and with utter disregard for the interests of the general economy. It emerges that the true problem in Argentina is social, rather than economic. Before a state can be run, a society must be run or built. Social leadership must firstly consider the social obstacles and demonstrate leadership in tackling them. The leadership must invest energy in inculcating the younger generation with the value of societal unity in a society that is fundamentally egalitarian, or with steering hierarchic values in a Latin American society towards charity to those who are considered inferior, as is done in Chinese society. Such generosity is compatible with Latin American values, as is reflected in Mexican and Brazilian efforts to free their slaves - but it has faded in recent generations particularly in Argentina. Thus Argentina is ailing since it is a nation is in the process of fragmentation rather than unification. What Characterizes Latin American Nationalism? So many Western, African and other countries are endeavoring to establish their own nations - not capriciously - but because feelings of nationalism are a country's source of strength, without which it is destined to disintegrate. Western Europe's efforts to unite, therefore, are a clear indication that the nationalistic sense in each of the individual Western European nations is in the process of crumbling or at least weak. Western Europe is seeking to revitalize itself by creating a political nationalism that can take the place of a non-existent deep-rooted nationalism. 1. A serious problem exists both with the imperialist borders that separate the African states and those that divide the Arab states. These states were not formed on the basis of deep-rooted social (primordial) differences, yet the states are very cautious not to open any Pandora's box by breaching any of these borders. This pretense is maintained because it is in the common interest of all the governments. This same pretense is maintained in Latin America and is reinforced by the many interconnected interests that exist within each state. Even the media is recruited in order to deeply implant this rootless, political nationalism. 2. There is an opposing side that must be considered also. It has been demonstrated here that the story of the Mexican people is not a fa?ade, a popular invention, but a true story. The emancipation of the slaves in Brazil was a real event, not a fabrication thought up in order to create a nation where one did not exist. Yet even though nationalism is an abstract reality, a matter of faith, nearly almost every Venezuelan citizen will emphatically affirm the existence of a Venezuelan nation. His answer will be less clear-cut if asked his feelings about Latin Americanism, and about his connection to Latin America. There were political thinkers who shared Simone Bolivar's perceptions regarding the unity of all Latin Americans. It is important to emphasize before taking this discussion any further that nationalism is a subjective conception that can not be established according to objective concrete facts [that is why there is no point in arguing that the Palestinian nation does not truly exist, since the very claim for its existence was made as the anti-thesis to an exclusive Jewish nationalism. The only relevant question is how do the 'Palestinian people' view themselves and feel?]. Yet, in addition to the determining subjective side, there is an objective reality that can be examined as a portent of what lies ahead? In regard to Western Europe, for example, certain objective facts indicated that unification was likely, just as the ties between Bush and Putin are likely to be the foundation of an alliance that is part of the nation of White Christian man, and not simply the relations of two former enemies trying to reconcile. A careful reading of the world map, an analysis of potential common US-Russian enemies or factors that will threaten their economic supremacy, combined with an assessment of the ethnic-religious history that plays such a significant role in building nationalism, will demonstrate the great likelihood, or even certainty of such a possibility. The same question applies with relation to Latin America, after comparing certain basic Anglo American fundamental concepts to Latin American ones - is it possible, and even very likely that Latin America is already in the midst of the establishment of one united nation. When the US declared its independence, there were thirteen colonies that established a confederacy between them, or in other words perceived themselves as thirteen independent political entities, which shared one congress. The colonies had their differences and their separate interests. Some were more puritanical than others, some supported slavery while others opposed it - yet it was possible to ascertain at the time that their unification was not only possible but certain. It is the institutions of patronage, corporatism, hierarchy, and a society built on personal commitments and trust and an estrangement from the English conception of democracy based on parties that do not necessarily act according to self-interest, the willingness to use the army to topple a democratic government in a time of crisis, and the preference for a presidential form of government- all in combination with the special mixes of Indians and Blacks and interracial marriages that do not contradict the feelings of hierarchy - all these aspects and more that create the uniquely Latin American rhythm that any outsider would have trouble comprehending but that will be the basis for a unified Latin American nation. In addition, however, to the objective reality, there is the matter of internal national strength and ability to endure in times of trouble and turmoil. This internal strength is related to how deeply-rooted feelings of solidarity with the State are, and to what lengths the citizens of the State will go in order to contribute to the State over and above their civic duties - to what extent they are 'rooted citizens with a national consciousness and readiness to give to their country over and above what is demanded by law. An additional assessment that must be made is how well the citizens of the country have proven themselves in the past. Cuba, for example, showed great strength in standing up to the US, and in standing firm even when Russia withheld aid in the early 90's creating such an economic crisis that there wasn't even gasoline for cars to run on and they were compelled to start riding bicycles instead of automobiles and to adopt a system of food rationing of fewer than 2000 calories per person. Other Latin American countries have not held up as well as Cuba. While most maintained stability so long as the government had the means to provide a certain minimal standard of living to most of its citizens, as soon as economic problems arose that were far less severe than those Cuba endured, internal terror, uprisings, and riots erupted. In Cuba, in contrast, the people stood loyally behind their charismatic leader, Fidel Castro.What Differences Are There Between US Nationalism and Latin American Nationalism? Both nationalities are political ones, and both nations are composed of all the citizens in their respective countries. While a certain degree of 'discrimination' takes place in both countries, the Anglo-American seeks to deny the existence of bigotry in his country, while the Latin American feels no compulsion to do so. It is likely, however, that this situation will change if and when the Latin American countries unify into one nation. The conditions for inclusion in a particular nation will not be based on political borders, since the nation will not be the outgrowth of a certain country or countries, but of a culture, a tradition, a uniquely Latin American approach to social interaction, a common history, language, and religion. Since Latin Americanism will be rooted in fundamental traits, rather than political interests, there won't be a need for a system of separation of Church and State. Since Latin American culture derived so much from Catholicism, Catholicism will naturally become the dominant religion. The shared history is one of similar circumstances and realities that ultimately led to the establishment of military regimes, which were backed by the US because they suited her political global interests and her economic interests (the critical factor as always in shaping American policy). In general, nationalism that is based in deep-rooted fundamentals (ethnicity, integration of ethnic groups, a long shared history, significant events that constituted pivotal national experiences) is generally also connected in some way to religion. This is true in India, where in conjunction with the formation of a deep-rooted rather than political nationalism, the Congress party that supported political nationalism ceded control of the government to the Nationalist Hindi party. This nationality -initially a relatively small minority in India - attracted other cultural groups, which spoke languages other than Hindi - a fact that set them apart for a long period of time from those who were Hindi both in religion and language. A growing number of groups joined the new Hindi nation, many of which spoke different languages, but all of which shared the basic Hindi religion. As a result of these developments, the Hindi religion forms the very backbone of the Nationalist Hindi nation, though it did not attain official status. Thus the new ever-growing Hindi nation includes within it even Muslims, as Ashutosh Varshney depicts in his essays. All this seems to reflect that a unified Latin American nation is a realistic, likely possibility. It will be a nation rooted in Latin American values, culture, history, and customs. Any citizen of a Latin American country that does not share all these will continue to be a citizen of his country, but he will not belong to the Latin American nation. Most Latin American citizens, will in fact though feel connected to the Latin American people. Since nationalism exists in the minds of those who feel connected to it and is not dependent on the objective conditions that simply serve as basis for projections regarding the likelihood of the formation of a nation, Latin American governments will not need to make any official declarations in order to make the Latin American nation a reality. No treaties between countries or formal accords will be necessary. All that is needed is that the feelings and thoughts of the people and their very way of life will turn this deep-rooted national sentiment into a living breathing reality. These beliefs must be rooted both in fundamental similarities and a pressing reality - in the form of a common enemy or civil war (like the US in its Civil War, and Western Europe and the World Wars, if it manages to unite). It is of course possible that political nationalism in Latin America will prove to be a bitter disappointment and result in a social crisis, like that taking place in Argentina, or in feelings of rootlessness and utter pessimism, like those felt in Brazil, that bring abject poverty and the dissolution of the family structure. While in the past the solution to such hopeless situations in Latin America was revolution and military regimes, this option no longer exists. It seems likely, if not inevitable, that out of the ruins, a new nation will arise that will unite the forces, informally at first, and ultimately in a formal political manner. There is a difference between a political (artificially constructed) nationalism and a deep-rooted (primordial) one. Though it is natural and anticipated that when an all-inclusive Latin American nation comes into being, initially there will be conventions, conferences, and even various academic institutions that will promote this nationalism, ultimately, a more formal stage, such as the one described by Simone Bolivar, will be reached.
 
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