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     Longlife of an Imperia - huge nation - Why? (the case of Imperial China)- (p. 342)
 
 


- The Connection between The Rule of the Head of the Family and Imperial Rule in China: he cultural tradition of paternalistic rule in China was fortifying imperial rule at the same time that the prevailing philosophical system (Confucianism) and imperial legislation that had adopted Confucianism were buttressing paternalistic rule. Thus, the following four factors: 1. Paternalistic rule. 2. Imperial rule. 3. Confucianism. 4. Imperial legislation. mutually strengthened each other. In order to govern one's subjects, one must 'program' them, lead them to believe that it is both fitting and advantageous from their perspective to obey their rulers, and disadvantageous for them to overthrow their government. A government will only be stable if its subjects do not seek independent sovereignty because they believe that, both religiously and culturally, they all constitute one entity, and that no differences between them warrant a group of them seeking independence. Economic and social distinctions - differences that necessarily exist in any human society - are in fact proper and even desirable distinctions. It is advantageous that people will develop a sense of allegiance to a small intimate unit, and that these units will in turn develop ties with other units and broader circles, and between these circles, with loyalty ultimately focused on the leader, which in China was the emperor. In the West, this translates into a network of political parties with internal organizations based on narrower smaller factions and local leadership. In China, however, there were even more intimate associations of nuclear and extended families and tribes, and of trade unions in the cities. Chinese emperors built this intricate system of allegiance with great wisdom and foresight, despite a very diverse population and vast size. They definitely played a role, but their success was not due to certain extraordinary talents, but a result of the distinctive Chinese culture, structure, and beliefs. Chinese system of law and government constituted an important foundation, as well as the network of intellectuals and bureaucrats, philosophers, among them adherents of Confucianism, and the non-aggressive Buddhist religion, and traditional religions whose gods were chosen by the emperor. Daoism, too, even though it was not one of the institutionalized religions, posed no threat to the imperial form of government. Chinese Buddhism, which came to China at the end of the Han dynasty, and spread with the dissolution of this dynasty, during a period in which there was no centralized government, was a Northern trend of Buddhism that had come from India via central Asia. This form of Buddhism did not cultivate a class of monks who would stand between its followers and the religious experience, but called upon each individual to endeavor through his own personal strength to fulfill the religious commandments and to enjoy the emotional succor that Buddhism provides. In this respect, this sect paralleled Protestantism, and it differed from the Southern more "Catholic" sect in which the individual relied on the monks to intercede the gods on his behalf. Another characteristic - or additional consequence - of this Northern trend of Buddhism that dominated in China - was that no powerful class of priests-monks evolved that could pose a political threat to the government. In fact, the form of Buddhism that developed in China prior to the Tang dynasty, between the years 618-907, the philosophy of Confucianism, as well as the system of law, all supported the imperial government. Buddhism even managed to integrate with the two state religions that preceded it, Daoism and regional paganism. All the imperial dynasties in China worked towards establishing one uniform system of law for all the people under their rule, and in conjunction with this goal, to creating a detailed legal constitution. Even before the establishment of imperialism, there were those, and in particular, Shang Yang in the country of Qin in the year 338 during the second half of the 4th century BCE, who pursued this goal. The essentials of most of these codes of law whose influence continued even when the ruling dynasty changed, have been lost. One code that was preserved and continued to exert influence until the end of the imperial age (in the year 1911) was the code of the T'ang dynasty, an unusually comprehensive code. The reason for this is linked to the philosophy of Dong Zhongshu (who lived in the 2nd century BCE), which developed in China during the rule of the Han dynasty. According to this philosophy, man and nature constitute a holistic unity, with man's actions influencing nature and the emperor's actions affecting both man and nature. Theimage of the emperor played a critical role, in this system, and any slight to his honor was viewed as a threat to the entire world order since it would necessarily result in terrible catastrophes. According to this philosophy, five forces of one type within the holistic system (the sun, male, imperial mercy, spring, and summer) oppose five other forces (the moon vs. the sun, the woman vs. the man, the death penalty vs. imperial mercy, the autumn vs. the spring, the winter vs. the summer). Everything in this system is based on the number five: there are five colors, five directions (the middle is the fifth). When man sins, he must be punished in order to restore balance to the holistic universe, and his punishment must fit his crime, since both excessive stringency and excessive leniency prevent the restoration of holistic equilibrium. It is the job of the emperor to mete out appropriate punishment and to restore equilibrium. It is essential that the judge will impose a punishment in exact accordance with the code established by the emperor-legislator, and that there will be uniform penalties throughout the empire. This is why a person who falsely accused another would receive the exact punishment that the accused was to have received, and similarly why confession to theft and restoration of the stolen property obviated the need for punishment. Since the emperor held the most important position and link between man and the natural world, any crimes against the emperor and his family were considered the gravest offenses and resulted in the punishment of the offender's entire family, and the annulment of all standard procedural safeguards. The result of all this was that the position of the emperor was secure. There were later periods in which it was not the emperor who governed, so much as the ruling circles who in effect ruled in his name (officials, intellectuals, and others), but none of this changes the fundamental fact that imperial rule wielded great influence, was involved in even relatively minor matters in the vast kingdom, and was aided by an intricate and large bureaucratic network. Power was centralized, except for periods in which the central government was weak, and the 'rules were broken' temporarily until the government regained its strength and vitality. This system - of a strong centralized government entrusted in the hands of one ruler - was essential if the emperor was to restore nature's balance. Therefore, comptrollers were appointed whose job it was to insure that the law was implemented and that judges who erred in their application of the law were themselves punished. China considered itself pivotal in maintaining all of mankind and nature's balance. It viewed itself as responsible for the entire world, with the emperor having the greatest responsibility. As a result, both the system of law in China and compliance with the law were highly venerated. Whoever failed to conform to this system and with the authority of the emperor was considered uncultured and boorish. The legal code in China served as the basis for the legal systems in Japan, Korea, and even Vietnam. China's influence over neighboring countries, undoubtedly stemmed in great measure, from the reputation they had earned as an enlightened people which itself resulted from the role Confucianism had played in shaping their legal system. In light of the stability of their legal system which all the Chinese learned to protect, the emperors introduced into the legal judicial code and the system of law, elements that would reinforce imperial rule, in particular - Confucianism, a philosophy that from the time of the Han dynasty was introduced into every new territory that an emperor gained control over. Confucianism demands that a son and servant respect their father and master. It is a system of obligations far more than a system of rights, discipline, and other factors that insure societal stability and prevent objections to economic and political differences. This philosophy was essential for Chinese emperors, and was the factor that prolonged their rule and enabled the legal code from the T'ang dynasty to survive for close to 1300 years. Man didn't dare implement changes in precise detailed laws that were responsible for preserving the world's equilibrium. Imperial Chinese laws secured the privileged status of those in positions of power in government as well as those that held these positions in the past or had inherited a title of nobility (all government officials - including judges). Every official had a certain number of points, up to thirty, according to his rank and achievement. In lieu of a punishment, he was permitted to trade in his rank, and in certain instances pay a fine, options that is not exist for a person who was not an official. He lost his position only temporarily, the length of time determined in accordance with the severity of the crime, anywhere between one to six years. Even during his period of suspension, he maintained his exemption from taxes and national service, two general civic obligations. Generally, after his suspension, he was demoted to a lower position. A job-related offense generally earned him a milder punishment than one that related to his personal life. In general, officials received lighter sentences than common citizens for the same crimes, except in cases of deliberate burglary, abduction, bribe taking, and distortion of the law. Lower classes received more severe sentences than the average citizen. According to the accepted social structure of the T'ang dynasty, there existed three classes: higher, middle, and lower. In addition, there was a class of slaves and indentured servants. Crimes committed by a member of the middle class against a member of the lower class were considered one degree milder than those same crimes committed against a member of the same class. Similarly, crimes committed by a member of the lower class against a member of the middle class were considered one degree more severe than the same crimes committed against a member of the same class. The same rule applied, with the difference of one additional degree, to offenses between a member of the middle class and a slave. Slaves and indentured servants were only allowed to marry a member of their own class. A slave who married a middle class woman was sentenced to a year and a half of hard labor. If the slave's master made his slave's wife part of his household staff, the master was sentenced to life long exile to a distance of 3000 li. This law was in accordance with the law's general perception of slaves as chattel. A member of the middle class who married a slave woman received a lighter punishment than the above case. In cases of intermarriage, it was always the man and not the woman who was punished, whether he was a slave or a member of the middle class. A woman and her family were punished if she was found guilty of witchcraft or of beating her husband. Crimes against the emperor, the state, religion, or one's family (e.g. mourning customs for one's parents) were considered most serious of all. Collective punishments to one's entire family were meted out to those guilty of rebellion or attempted rebellion (including accessories to the crime). First-degree male relatives could be sentenced to death even if they had no prior knowledge of the crime. Other relatives were exiled and their property confiscated. There existed a wide range of punishments for these crimes, but the basic objective was as described above. The following law exemplifies how valued the family unit was, surpassed only by the importance of safeguarding the position of the emperor: a person was permitted to conceal a relative's crime, and even warn him of a government investigation taking place, as long as his crime did not involve the emperor. This law strengthened the family unit and encouraged family loyalty. If family members jointly committed a crime, such as theft, the oldest male was put to trial. Stealing from a family member was considered a relatively minor crime, particularly if it was a close relation. Therefore, a son who stole from his parents would not be punished unless the value of the stolen object exceeded a certain sum, and even then the punishment was mild. What happened to nature's equilibrium when a person was convicted and punished, and then it emerged that he was falsely convicted? How did nature restore its balance? One thing is clear: if a person was falsely executed, nature simply had to bear the trauma, not only because there was no way to restore the man to life, but also because the emperor was by definition infallible, and death sentences were not executed without the emperor's consent. Thus, since the emperor could not have erred, clearly no disturbance to nature's equilibrium occurred and there was no need for repair. In other cases, the court acknowledged its error and the falsely accused person was compensated, not by actually awarding him money from the Chinese coffers but by granting him tax exemptions. If he would have been eligible for a tax exemption for some other reason (e.g. his entire district received tax exemptions because of a drought), then his exemption was extended by a year. In order to reinforce internal family social order, the T'ang dynasty code of law established that a son who hit his father or grandfather or designed to kill one of them was beheaded, and that a son who attempted through unlawful means to gain possession of the family's wealth during his father or grandfather's lifetime was sentenced to three years of hard labor. One of the only crimes that resulted in collective punishment was the practice of Black Magic, or "Ku" (even by a woman), which resulted in the death of another or his going mad. Rebellion against the emperor also resulted in collective punishment. According to the judicial code, the emperor equaled heaven and earth; he was the father of all his subjects. Thus any revolt against him was comparable to a natural disaster, which could be averted only by uprooting the source of the mutiny and this included the insurgent's entire family. This punishment had exceptional deterrent force, since eradication of the family was the harshest conceivable punishment in Chinese culture. Thus the punishment for not participating in mourning rites for one's parent or grandparents was life long exile to a minimum distance of 2000 li. In order to strengthen the family structure, assault of an adult numbered among the top ten most serious crimes in the T'ang code. The five degrees of family relation that pertained to mourning rites also constituted the basis for establishing different levels of punishment for crimes within the family. Even cursing a family member constituted a criminal offense. Laws regarding crimes against bureaucratic officials and religious figures were derived from laws relating to crimes against elder family members. Though wives and concubines were considered inferior according to the judicial code, from relatively early on and continuing until the 11th century (when their status again declined, their status began to improve. The woman, and not her husband, managed all family and work matters. Mourning customs for women were identical to those for men. The restrictions on women primarily related to where they were allowed to go, a distinction drawn, according to some, only to protect them. One possessed the right to appeal a family ruling, but such appeals were extremely rare. As long as the families were relatively small and lacking political power, the family served as a center of loyalty and strength towards the government. Family institutions' support for the government completed the reciprocity in the positive relationship between the family on one hand and the law and government institutions on the other. Government positions were established by the emperor's court, upon the recommendations of local citizens and dignitaries, recommendations that were based upon the candidate's loyalty and respect for his parents, obedience to one's father, and level of education. Since these positions were awarded based on one's performance on exams in law, philosophy, and religion, it was common in many families to finance the studies of one child who seemed particularly talented, in order to enable him to earn a government position, thus glorifying the family's early ancestors. Studies were financed in part by a government-awarded exemption form certain taxes, thus establishing semi-subsidized education. It was common practice to use undividable family assets to fund quasi pensions to all family members above the age of 59. Villages in Imperial China were generally created by a few founding families who then formed the village's government. In the cities, the situation was similar, except that during certain periods, the government was run by local trade unions whose members were obligated to obey their union's leaders. The leaders of the various unions in the cities, along with government officials and prominent authors created a form of local nobility that assumed responsibility for all that took place in the city. In this respect, there was a kind of internal democratic rule. No civic book of law existed in China [only judicial law and administrative laws of the administrative government] perhaps because the imperial government wished to leave the reins of the family leadership in the hands of the heads of the families and the leadership of the villages in the hands of the leadership. It preferred to see civic issues resolved through compromise and agreement between senior members of the family or families. Within the context of this approach of family and group responsibility, collective punishments were established also within the framework of the trade union. How did the Chinese relate to the differentiation and discrimination of different social classes that was written into the code established by the emperor? In this lies the key to the Chinese system. Since: 1. The emperor was the only being who knew the secrets involved in the dangerous and delicate work of balancing between nature and man. 2. He had been responsible for this task for many generations. 3. The system worked. 4. No other being had the power to prevent the terrible calamity that would befall them if the emperor would desist from his holy work. 5. And the emperor had God-like status. The Chinese accepted his rule and his way. The alternative was to rebel against the emperor and bring about utter devastation to the world. In order to avoid such terrifying consequences, the Chinese were willing to pay the price of accepting the imperial system and justice. Revolts definitely took place, but powerful elements worked to suppress them, elements that were strengthened by Confucian ideology that trained the Chinese to obey and submit to authority and by social forces of family and intellectuals who mollified and placated revolutionary spirits. It is possible and entirely justified to suggest that Confucian values that emphasized order and hierarchy in the family and society were thoroughly assimilated into Chinese thought and accepted as part of the natural order. The more profound question is why did this take place? Evidently, by basing their code of law on Confucianism, the Chinese joined the social interest for which Confucius had created his system, with the imperial ruling interest, all alongside Chinese tradition which was deeply rooted in worship of one's ancestors and the status of the father and tribal head. The connection between the imperial government's interest and philosophy and law was highlighted during the establishment of the Ming dynasty in 1368, when the emperor chose to base his rule on the neo-Confucian system since it supported the imperial government.
 
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