- Worship of early ancestors and attachment to an ancient
father-spirit that according to their legends provided protection
to those who were ethnically related, were common to all
societies prior to the development of non-ethnically linked
religions. The distinction that must be drawn for the present
discussion is between religions whose adherents viewed themselves
as the descendants of early ancestors, and religions that
were not based on any such connection - for this belief
developed later into the concept of paternal respect. These
early ancestors lived in the distant past, and were not
limited exclusively to Chinese traditions. The concept of
ancestor worship and paternal respect, however, was emphasized
particularly in China, and has existed there, according
to Uri Pines, for over two thousand years. Pines notes that
over time decreasing use was made of the term 'Xiao.' Pines
claims that during the Western Zhou Dynasty (1050-771 BCE),
this term was more commonly used to describe ancestor worship,
rather than parental respect, in contrast to the usage noted
by otherof this term by Confucius and other thinkers during
the Eastern Zhou (770-221 BCE). Pines describes the evolution
from loyalty to the extended family structure to the more
narrow-nuclear family structure. Before relating to this,
it is correct to note that what is referred to in studies
of religion and also by Pines, is not religious worship
that was based in the framework of the extended family and
certainly not in that of the nuclear family, but rather
worship linked to the ancestors. Ancestor worship was not
directed at live human beings who were serving as the heads
of the extended family but rather at those who were deceased.
Pines too, regarding the concept of 'Xiao,' does not speak
of sacrifices to the living. The authority and power given
to the head of the extended family, was the authority to
offer sacrifices to one's ancestors. The question is, whether
this authority was given to the head of the extended family
or to the head of each nuclearfamily or the founder of the
extended family or the deceased fathers and grandfathers
of the nuclear. Moreover, the meaning of the term itself
changed (or expanded) whereas at the begging it means mostly
worship later, after Confucius, one of its basic meaning
was respect and care for the living parents and elders.
The term 'Xiao' that Pines refers to, relates to this authority
over sacrifices. Pines explains that the change in the meaning
of the Xiao resulted from changes in governmental land distribution.
Originally, the heads of the extended families received
land, which they were entrusted with distributing to the
heads of the nuclear families. When the head of the extended
family died, the land returned to the king (this is during
the pre-imperial period) and a new family head was appointed
who would distribute the land. When over time the system
changed, and the king began distributing land directly to
the heads of the nuclear families, the status of the extended
family head decreased significantly, and the authority for
sacrifices, and the honor associated with it, also passed
to the heads of the nuclear families. This chapter will
examine the role this change played in the lag in Chinese
industrial growth. According to David Keightley, cult worship
in China cultivated legends relating to the family lineage
beginning with the ancestral father. The Chinese viewed
death as a phase in the life cycle of the family beginning
with family or tribe's ancestral father. An individual,
thus, lived on through his descendants. This perception
made it relatively easy (in relation to the West) for them
to relate to the notion of death, and explains why there
is no Chinese parallel to the elegy recited by Gilgamash,
frightened by Enkido's death. Beginning with the Sheng Dynasty
(in the 16th century BCE and lasting until the 11th century
BCE) the king also served as the highest religious figurepriest.
Obligations owed to one's ancestors were transferred to
the king, and his power grew, and the country became a unified
religious-familial framework. As death became less tragic
and difficult, and loyalty to one's ancestors and king,
and by analogy to the master grew, it became customary to
bury a master's servants along with him so that they could
serve him even after death, and thus human sacrifice became
more common. Keightley notes that over the course of 150
years during the Sheng Dynasty, 5000 human sacrifices were
offered in order to enable servants to continue serving
their master after his death. Keightley contrasts this perspective
on death with Western dread and trepidation of the inevitable
end. The heroes of Greek mythology, the source of so much
of Western culture, are tragic figures who suffered great
tragedies as a result of their efforts to carry out the
will of the gods. Greek heroes were negative figures such
as Achilles who killed the woman he loved, Oedipus who killed
his father, and Antigone who committed suicide. In Western
thought and in Christianity man was viewed as inherently
evil, struggling alone in his life just as in his death.
His strength was the strength of the individual, and from
this derived the Western myth of the victory of the few
over the many. The Chinese, in contrast, viewed man as inherently
good; their mythological personalities are positive, and
heroism and war are collective actions, organized bureaucratically.
Even murder is perpetrated not as a result of greed but
for the sake of family honor or to fulfill a divine mission
and obligation. The Chinese hero is worthy of imitation.
His deeds are bursting with optimism based on the belief
that good character and deeds will be rewarded. The individual
who obeys the bureaucratic governmental system is a common
Chinese hero. The Chinese did not speak of the God's desire
to harm man; no animosity existed between the gods and man,
since one's ancestors lived together with the gods in heaven.
Since no discord existed between the living and the gods,
the issue of theodicy, of 'evil befalling the righteous'
did not arise. The world operated as it should and its operation
merited no criticism. While there were myths about angry
gods, their actions were depicted as bureaucratic measures.
Mainly, there was no myth in China about the origin and
beginning of the world (there are but they are relatively
late and not very important); thus there was no distinction
between the nihilistic approach and the religious approach.
According to Keightley, Western culture's concern over what
the future held for them inspired the development of myths
regarding the creation of the world. Since this fear did
not exist in Chinese culture, these myths also did not.
This approach naturally led the Chinese to relate respectfully
and uncritically toward their ancestors, leading in turn
to the absolute prohibition against criticizing one's parents.
Death, too was not depicted in China, as it was in the West,
as a process of decay and decomposition of the human body.
Chinese love songs lacked any great lovers (as follows from
the tendency towards the bureaucratic approach over the
individualistic approach). Its depictions of parent-child
relationships merely related the specific situation to established
principles of conduct. Even the attitude toward the ancient
father was not based on faith in him (a personal approach)
but rather on faith in his existence. As a general rule,
optimism and fidelity were common literary themes, rather
than drama or social or political criticism. All this engendered
far greater serenity and calm than was prevalent in the
West, an atmosphere that was also consistent with their
system of government. Chinese esteem for hierarchy and obedience
were the natural consequences, according to Keightley, of
ancestor worship. Keightley claims that cities developed
differently in China as opposed to the West, also as a result
of all these factors. In the West, beginning in Mesopotamia,
diverse populations, both religious and secular, inhabited
the city. In Greece, the cities adopted varied forms of
government, from dictatorship, to oligarchy, to democracy.
In China, however, the city was built around the temple
and was ruled primarily by the founding families. Merchants
and artisans who lived in Chinese cities were bound by the
will of the ruling elite and permitted to play a very minor
political role. According to Chang, in ancient China, everyone
belonged firstly to a clan and secondly to a lineage group,
both of which were related to an ancient father (but this
changed dramatically with the begging of the imperial era).
Political power developed based on these divisions. Every
imperial dynasty associated itself with the most prominent
lineage group in its tribe, and each tribe distinguished
itself by one specific trait. Intertribal marriages were
uncommon. Political standing of different clans varied,
based on genealogy. New branches of the dynasty were established
by sending one of the sons who was not next in line for
the throne to a new settlement, along with a group of supporters.
There, they would establish a new dynasty that was a branch
of the central dynasty, but also independent - as was reflected
by the erection of a temple in the new territory, a temple
that eternalized the founder of this new dynasty. Yet, Chinese
society went through a very deep change during the last
centuries of the first millennium BCE - in many respect
this was a change from aristocratic (and thus depend on
family ties) to bureaucratic (and thus depend on jobs) society.
Although, family ties and family ideology was maintained
and even became stronger in a non-aristocratic society.
Jumping way ahead to the 16th-17th centuries, it appears
that association with the klan, even among non-ruling classes,
continued to take place. Rubie Watson surveys the various
opinions on this subject. According to Friedman, collectivism
developed as a result of the intensive labor needed in order
to cultivate the rice fields and the need for cooperation
in the defense of the border regions. Pasternak claims that
a system of family based nepotism, which affected issues
of inheritance, marriage, and residence, did not develop
during the period of border infiltrations, but later when
agricultural settlement had stabilized. Watson recalls Hillary
Beatie's opinion that nepotism in China was less a function
of one's residence and biological connection and more a
function of economic and political factors. He describes
a Klan that was established around a family temple in the
Kapri region near Hong Kong around 1660 and which existed
until its dissolution in 1751. The dynasty shared their
temple with another family branch, yet they refused to include
it in their dynasty. He compared this organization to a
different more homogeneous familial alliance in which the
collective father included all of his descendants, and not
only certain select ones. During periods in which there
were no formal political establishments, these alliances
increased the standing of its members in the region in which
they lived. Donations to the temple also financed the purchase
of ships that transported their merchants to distant markets,
and even raised their status within the central government.
At the end of the 18th century, the Chinese emperor, concerned
that large families possessed so much power that they posed
a threat to his throne, passed several laws meant to decrease
their influence and to increase that of the smaller families.
Watson notes the differences in resilience and internal
strength of homogeneous alliances versus alliances in which
certain native branches were detached from the main dynasty
despite their natural bond. He describes how, periodically,
different families merged, and claims that alliances of
family dynasties based around the family temple were not
only not the sole form of alliances in China, but that they
did not exist at all. Regarding this final claim, it should
be noted that though these alliances almost completely did
not exist in China from the first millennium BCE until modern
times, there is evidence that there were some in ancient
times. Moving ahead even further, to the end of the Imperial
Age, T'ang Leang-Li, in an essay praised by the President
of the University of Bejing, former Cultural Minister to
China. Tsai Yuan-Pei, claims that the most important institution
in China was the family - whether in the meaning of an entire
tribe that outwardly filled the role of internal civil and
judicial government through the head of the tribe, the father.
In reality, however, the government was not centralized
and the head of the family did not rule alone, but rather
the family's council determined policy, and the head of
the tribe implemented these collective family decisions.
The emperor seemed to preside over this hierarchical system,
but this too was deceptive, since he was bound by the limits
established by Confucius' principles, according to which
- the people will obey the emperor and accept his authority
if he punishes those who are dishonest, but will cease to
obey him if he punishes those who are honest. The family
was a microcosm of the State and its capital was the memorial
hall to the original father of the family. Its members were
obligated to respect the family's customs and help other
family members in need. Rulings that were appealed could
be brought before the local judge, but they rarely were.
From familial obligations, rights - such as the rights to
benefit from family owned land that has not been sold (a
right shared evenly by all the males and widows in the family)
- were derived. Every child had the right to an education.
If a family lacked the financial means to provide its children
with proper schooling, the most talented of the children
was given a formal education in order to bring honor to
the family and ancestors of the family through his future
accomplishments. The entire familial system was based on
worship of the ancestors who bring blessings upon the land.
Thus marriage was viewed as a primary responsibility and
so children were betrothed when they were still young. Chinese
religion was humane in that the god was humanity itself.
According to T'ang Leang-Li, the worship of man conquered
death and oblivion. Most families, he claims, established
rules regarding family matters. Even family members who
had attained government positions were still bound by their
family's conventions. When the males of a village, who consisted
of the founding families, assembled, they exercised judicial
authority and power over civil and religious matters, and
wielded influence over the government authorities. In the
cities, representatives of the various trade unions formed
a council, with each representative having judicial powers
both within his own trade and between the various trades.
These representatives, along with government officials,
and prominent authors constituted the urban elite that was
responsible for what goes on in the city. This system of
government kept crime levels incredibly low. In the city
of Henko, for example, a city with a population of one million
people, there was only one homicide in 34 years. In Chili,
a country of 25 million people, only 12 people were sentenced
to death in the years 1866-1867, and in China (excluding
the district of Kwentung which was subject to foreign influences)
only 581 people were sentenced to death in 1826. With this
background, this chapter can attempt to demonstrate the
connection between the unique status of the fathers in Chinese
society and - the position of the emperor and the Chinese
adoption of one central government for the entire Chinese
population. Once this is established, this paper will address
the correlation between this system of government and China's
failure to develop technologically along with the rest of
the world. The Connection between The Rule of the Head of
the Family and Imperial Rule in China: The cultural tradition
of paternalistic rule in China was fortifying imperial rule
at the same time that the prevailing philosophical system
(Confucianism) and imperial legislation that had adopted
Confucianism were buttressing paternalistic rule. Thus,
the following four factors: 1. Paternalistic rule. 2. Imperial
rule. 3. Confucianism. 4. Imperial legislation. mutually
strengthened each other. In order to govern one's subjects,
one must 'program' them, lead them to believe that it is
both fitting and advantageous from their perspective to
obey their rulers, and disadvantageous for them to overthrow
their government. A government will only be stable if its
subjects do not seek independent sovereignty because they
believe that, both religiously and culturally, they all
constitute one entity, and that no differences between them
warrant a group of them seeking independence. Economic and
social distinctions - differences that necessarily exist
in any human society - are in fact proper and even desirable
distinctions. It is advantageous that people will develop
a sense of allegiance to a small intimate unit, and that
these units will in turn develop ties with other units and
broader circles, and between these circles, with loyalty
ultimately focused on the leader, which in China was the
emperor. In the West, this translates into a network of
political parties with internal organizations based on narrower
smaller factions and local leadership. In China, however,
there were even more intimate associations of nuclear and
extended families and tribes, and of trade unions in the
cities. Chinese emperors built this intricate system of
allegiance with great wisdom and foresight, despite a very
diverse population and vast size. They definitely played
a role, but their success was not due to certain extraordinary
talents, but a result of the distinctive Chinese culture,
structure, and beliefs. Chinese system of law and government
constituted an important foundation, as well as the network
of intellectuals and bureaucrats, philosophers, among them
adherents of Confucianism, and the non-aggressive Buddhist
religion, and traditional religions whose gods were chosen
by the emperor. Daoism, too, even though it was not one
of the institutionalized religions, posed no threat to the
imperial form of government. Chinese Buddhism, which came
to China at the end of the Han dynasty, and spread with
the dissolution of this dynasty, during a period in which
there was no centralized government, was a Northern trend
of Buddhism that had come from India via central Asia. This
form of Buddhism did not cultivate a class of monks who
would stand between its followers and the religious experience,
but called upon each individual to endeavor through his
own personal strength to fulfill the religious commandments
and to enjoy the emotional succor that Buddhism provides.
In this respect, this sect paralleled Protestantism, and
it differed from the Southern more "Catholic"
sect in which the individual relied on the monks to intercede
the gods on his behalf. Another characteristic - or additional
consequence - of this Northern trend of Buddhism that dominated
in China - was that no powerful class of priests-monks evolved
that could pose a political threat to the government. In
fact, the form of Buddhism that developed in China prior
to the Tang dynasty, between the years 618-907, the philosophy
of Confucianism, as well as the system of law, all supported
the imperial government. Buddhism even managed to integrate
with the two state religions that preceded it, Daoism and
regional paganism. All the imperial dynasties in China worked
towards establishing one uniform system of law for all the
people under their rule, and in conjunction with this goal,
to creating a detailed legal constitution. Even before the
establishment of imperialism, there were those, and in particular,
Shang Yang in the country of Qin in the year 338 during
the second half of the 4th century BCE, who pursued this
goal. The essentials of most of these codes of law whose
influence continued even when the ruling dynasty changed,
have been lost. One code that was preserved and continued
to exert influence until the end of the imperial age (in
the year 1911) was the code of the T'ang dynasty, an unusually
comprehensive code. The reason for this is linked to the
philosophy of Dong Zhongshu (who lived in the 2nd century
BCE), which developed in China during the rule of the Han
dynasty. According to this philosophy, man and nature constitute
a holistic unity, with man's actions influencing nature
and the emperor's actions affecting both man and nature.
Theimage of the emperor played a critical role, in this
system, and any slight to his honor was viewed as a threat
to the entire world order since it would necessarily result
in terrible catastrophes. According to this philosophy,
five forces of one type within the holistic system (the
sun, male, imperial mercy, spring, and summer) oppose five
other forces (the moon vs. the sun, the woman vs. the man,
the death penalty vs. imperial mercy, the autumn vs. the
spring, the winter vs. the summer). Everything in this system
is based on the number five: there are five colors, five
directions (the middle is the fifth). When man sins, he
must be punished in order to restore balance to the holistic
universe, and his punishment must fit his crime, since both
excessive stringency and excessive leniency prevent the
restoration of holistic equilibrium. It is the job of the
emperor to mete out appropriate punishment and to restore
equilibrium. It is essential that the judge will impose
a punishment in exact accordance with the code established
by the emperor-legislator, and that there will be uniform
penalties throughout the empire. This is why a person who
falsely accused another would receive the exact punishment
that the accused was to have received, and similarly why
confession to theft and restoration of the stolen property
obviated the need for punishment. Since the emperor held
the most important position and link between man and the
natural world, any crimes against the emperor and his family
were considered the gravest offenses and resulted in the
punishment of the offender's entire family, and the annulment
of all standard procedural safeguards. The result of all
this was that the position of the emperor was secure. There
were later periods in which it was not the emperor who governed,
so much as the ruling circles who in effect ruled in his
name (officials, intellectuals, and others), but none of
this changes the fundamental fact that imperial rule wielded
great influence, was involved in even relatively minor matters
in the vast kingdom, and was aided by an intricate and large
bureaucratic network. Power was centralized, except for
periods in which the central government was weak, and the
'rules were broken' temporarily until the government regained
its strength and vitality. This system - of a strong centralized
government entrusted in the hands of one ruler - was essential
if the emperor was to restore nature's balance. Therefore,
comptrollers were appointed whose job it was to insure that
the law was implemented and that judges who erred in their
application of the law were themselves punished. China considered
itself pivotal in maintaining all of mankind and nature's
balance. It viewed itself as responsible for the entire
world, with the emperor having the greatest responsibility.
As a result, both the system of law in China and compliance
with the law were highly venerated. Whoever failed to conform
to this system and with the authority of the emperor was
considered uncultured and boorish. The legal code in China
served as the basis for the legal systems in Japan, Korea,
and even Vietnam. China's influence over neighboring countries,
undoubtedly stemmed in great measure, from the reputation
they had earned as an enlightened people which itself resulted
from the role Confucianism had played in shaping their legal
system. In light of the stability of their legal system
which all the Chinese learned to protect, the emperors introduced
into the legal judicial code and the system of law, elements
that would reinforce imperial rule, in particular - Confucianism,
a philosophy that from the time of the Han dynasty was introduced
into every new territory that an emperor gained control
over. Confucianism demands that a son and servant respect
their father and master. It is a system of obligations far
more than a system of rights, discipline, and other factors
that insure societal stability and prevent objections to
economic and political differences. This philosophy was
essential for Chinese emperors, and was the factor that
prolonged their rule and enabled the legal code from the
T'ang dynasty to survive for close to 1300 years. Man didn't
dare implement changes in precise detailed laws that were
responsible for preserving the world's equilibrium. Imperial
Chinese laws secured the privileged status of those in positions
of power in government as well as those that held these
positions in the past or had inherited a title of nobility
(all government officials - including judges). Every official
had a certain number of points, up to thirty, according
to his rank and achievement. In lieu of a punishment, he
was permitted to trade in his rank, and in certain instances
pay a fine, options that is not exist for a person who was
not an official. He lost his position only temporarily,
the length of time determined in accordance with the severity
of the crime, anywhere between one to six years. Even during
his period of suspension, he maintained his exemption from
taxes and national service, two general civic obligations.
Generally, after his suspension, he was demoted to a lower
position. A job-related offense generally earned him a milder
punishment than one that related to his personal life. In
general, officials received lighter sentences than common
citizens for the same crimes, except in cases of deliberate
burglary, abduction, bribe taking, and distortion of the
law. Lower classes received more severe sentences than the
average citizen. According to the accepted social structure
of the T'ang dynasty, there existed three classes: higher,
middle, and lower. In addition, there was a class of slaves
and indentured servants. Crimes committed by a member of
the middle class against a member of the lower class were
considered one degree milder than those same crimes committed
against a member of the same class. Similarly, crimes committed
by a member of the lower class against a member of the middle
class were considered one degree more severe than the same
crimes committed against a member of the same class. The
same rule applied, with the difference of one additional
degree, to offenses between a member of the middle class
and a slave. Slaves and indentured servants were only allowed
to marry a member of their own class. A slave who married
a middle class woman was sentenced to a year and a half
of hard labor. If the slave's master made his slave's wife
part of his household staff, the master was sentenced to
life long exile to a distance of 3000 li. This law was in
accordance with the law's general perception of slaves as
chattel. A member of the middle class who married a slave
woman received a lighter punishment than the above case.
In cases of intermarriage, it was always the man and not
the woman who was punished, whether he was a slave or a
member of the middle class. A woman and her family were
punished if she was found guilty of witchcraft or of beating
her husband. Crimes against the emperor, the state, religion,
or one's family (e.g. mourning customs for one's parents)
were considered most serious of all. Collective punishments
to one's entire family were meted out to those guilty of
rebellion or attempted rebellion (including accessories
to the crime). First-degree male relatives could be sentenced
to death even if they had no prior knowledge of the crime.
Other relatives were exiled and their property confiscated.
There existed a wide range of punishments for these crimes,
but the basic objective was as described above. The following
law exemplifies how valued the family unit was, surpassed
only by the importance of safeguarding the position of the
emperor: a person was permitted to conceal a relative's
crime, and even warn him of a government investigation taking
place, as long as his crime did not involve the emperor.
This law strengthened the family unit and encouraged family
loyalty. If family members jointly committed a crime, such
as theft, the oldest male was put to trial. Stealing from
a family member was considered a relatively minor crime,
particularly if it was a close relation. Therefore, a son
who stole from his parents would not be punished unless
the value of the stolen object exceeded a certain sum, and
even then the punishment was mild. What happened to nature's
equilibrium when a person was convicted and punished, and
then it emerged that he was falsely convicted? How did nature
restore its balance? One thing is clear: if a person was
falsely executed, nature simply had to bear the trauma,
not only because there was no way to restore the man to
life, but also because the emperor was by definition infallible,
and death sentences were not executed without the emperor's
consent. Thus, since the emperor could not have erred, clearly
no disturbance to nature's equilibrium occurred and there
was no need for repair. In other cases, the court acknowledged
its error and the falsely accused person was compensated,
not by actually awarding him money from the Chinese coffers
but by granting him tax exemptions. If he would have been
eligible for a tax exemption for some other reason (e.g.
his entire district received tax exemptions because of a
drought), then his exemption was extended by a year. In
order to reinforce internal family social order, the T'ang
dynasty code of law established that a son who hit his father
or grandfather or designed to kill one of them was beheaded,
and that a son who attempted through unlawful means to gain
possession of the family's wealth during his father or grandfather's
lifetime was sentenced to three years of hard labor. One
of the only crimes that resulted in collective punishment
was the practice of Black Magic, or "Ku" (even
by a woman), which resulted in the death of another or his
going mad. Rebellion against the emperor also resulted in
collective punishment. According to the judicial code, the
emperor equaled heaven and earth; he was the father of all
his subjects. Thus any revolt against him was comparable
to a natural disaster, which could be averted only by uprooting
the source of the mutiny and this included the insurgent's
entire family. This punishment had exceptional deterrent
force, since eradication of the family was the harshest
conceivable punishment in Chinese culture. Thus the punishment
for not participating in mourning rites for one's parent
or grandparents was life long exile to a minimum distance
of 2000 li. In order to strengthen the family structure,
assault of an adult numbered among the top ten most serious
crimes in the T'ang code. The five degrees of family relation
that pertained to mourning rites also constituted the basis
for establishing different levels of punishment for crimes
within the family. Even cursing a family member constituted
a criminal offense. Laws regarding crimes against bureaucratic
officials and religious figures were derived from laws relating
to crimes against elder family members. Though wives and
concubines were considered inferior according to the judicial
code, from relatively early on and continuing until the
11th century (when their status again declined, their status
began to improve. The woman, and not her husband, managed
all family and work matters. Mourning customs for women
were identical to those for men. The restrictions on women
primarily related to where they were allowed to go, a distinction
drawn, according to some, only to protect them. One possessed
the right to appeal a family ruling, but such appeals were
extremely rare. As long as the families were relatively
small and lacking political power, the family served as
a center of loyalty and strength towards the government.
Family institutions' support for the government completed
the reciprocity in the positive relationship between the
family on one hand and the law and government institutions
on the other. Government positions were established by the
emperor's court, upon the recommendations of local citizens
and dignitaries, recommendations that were based upon the
candidate's loyalty and respect for his parents, obedience
to one's father, and level of education. Since these positions
were awarded based on one's performance on exams in law,
philosophy, and religion, it was common in many families
to finance the studies of one child who seemed particularly
talented, in order to enable him to earn a government position,
thus glorifying the family's early ancestors. Studies were
financed in part by a government-awarded exemption form
certain taxes, thus establishing semi-subsidized education.
It was common practice to use undividable family assets
to fund quasi pensions to all family members above the age
of 59. Villages in Imperial China were generally created
by a few founding families who then formed the village's
government. In the cities, the situation was similar, except
that during certain periods, the government was run by local
trade unions whose members were obligated to obey their
union's leaders. The leaders of the various unions in the
cities, along with government officials and prominent authors
created a form of local nobility that assumed responsibility
for all that took place in the city. In this respect, there
was a kind of internal democratic rule. No civic book of
law existed in China [only judicial law and administrative
laws of the administrative government] perhaps because the
imperial government wished to leave the reins of the family
leadership in the hands of the heads of the families and
the leadership of the villages in the hands of the leadership.
It preferred to see civic issues resolved through compromise
and agreement between senior members of the family or families.
Within the context of this approach of family and group
responsibility, collective punishments were established
also within the framework of the trade union. How did the
Chinese relate to the differentiation and discrimination
of different social classes that was written into the code
established by the emperor? In this lies the key to the
Chinese system. Since: 1. The emperor was the only being
who knew the secrets involved in the dangerous and delicate
work of balancing between nature and man. 2. He had been
responsible for this task for many generations. 3. The system
worked. 4. No other being had the power to prevent the terrible
calamity that would befall them if the emperor would desist
from his holy work. 5. And the emperor had God-like status.
The Chinese accepted his rule and his way. The alternative
was to rebel against the emperor and bring about utter devastation
to the world. In order to avoid such terrifying consequences,
the Chinese were willing to pay the price of accepting the
imperial system and justice. Revolts definitely took place,
but powerful elements worked to suppress them, elements
that were strengthened by Confucian ideology that trained
the Chinese to obey and submit to authority and by social
forces of family and intellectuals who mollified and placated
revolutionary spirits. It is possible and entirely justified
to suggest that Confucian values that emphasized order and
hierarchy in the family and society were thoroughly assimilated
into Chinese thought and accepted as part of the natural
order. The more profound question is why did this take place?
Evidently, by basing their code of law on Confucianism,
the Chinese joined the social interest for which Confucius
had created his system, with the imperial ruling interest,
all alongside Chinese tradition which was deeply rooted
in worship of one's ancestors and the status of the father
and tribal head. The connection between the imperial government's
interest and philosophy and law was highlighted during the
establishment of the Ming dynasty in 1368, when the emperor
chose to base his rule on the neo-Confucian system since
it supported the imperial government.
